Red alert for Congress

Sonia Gandhi took more than a month to thank her parliamentary constituency, Rae Bareli voters. Nevertheless she injected enough rhetoric to wake up coma struck Congress leaders and cadres in Uttar Pradesh against Mulayam Singh Yadav run Samajwadi party government. But as usual her followers found it too sweet to hear from their chief about the possibility of overthrowing currently fragile S.P. On the other side, Com. Prakash Karat is going around the country to mobilize support to bring down Manmohan Singh run coalition sarkar in the center. After closing the Central Committee meeting in Hyderabad, the Left chieftain met politically down Chandrababu Naidu. They mutually agreed and appeased to place a non-congress and non-BJP government in Delhi soon. Next Karat called on DMK supremo, M. Karunanidhi when the octogenarian came to Delhi to seek more funds for his pet projects in Tamil Nadu. Then the comrade hit the road to Lucknow where Mulayam found it too useful to hear red news about the new political setup. This came at the critical stage of cycle riding S.P chief’s political isolation. With U.P assembly election just a year away and court cases against his family regarding disproportionate wealth is rubbing salt to his wounds, new activism of Left came as soother to Mulayam Singh.

Add these parties MPs to the Left strength in the parliament. Is that not making a formidable combination to pull down Congress managed coalition government in the center? Yes, the recent assembly elections and clean sweep of Left in West Bengal and Kerala had given enough guts to comrades to take this tough mission. But Congress is busy with fighting inside and troubling coalition partners across the country. Administration is completely out of control at the center with different power points pulling in different directions.

More importantly Congress is innocent of Left tricks and coolly taking communists in its arms in the states where the former is strong. For instance in Punjab, Andra Pradesh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Communists have struck alliance with Congress. The explicit Left rhetoric is that they want to defeat communal BJP in these states. But implicitly comrades want to build up their organizational structure in all these states. If their real concern is to trash communal forces why not they give Congress a good share of MLAs in Kerala and West Bengal?

Apart from this political assault, revolutionary comrades are intruding deep into the forests of the nation to take tribals into their fold. More than 160 districts are already in the hands of Naxalites. A red corridor starting from Nepal runs through Jharkhand, Bihar and reaches Andra Pradesh in south. Is this not inspiring for many frustrated and unemployed youth to take up arms? Yes of course many young Indians are asking the route and contacts numbers of Naxalite leaders to join their force. At this do or die battle stage, politicking of law and order is high. Congress government in Delhi is keen to blame BJP run states in Jharkhand, Chattisgarh for security failures.

Greedy Congress leaders with the hope to capture power on their own are messing up with regional coalition arrangements. In Maharastra they tried to play with the mighty Maratha warlord Sharad Pawar regarding the NCP nominee for Rajya Sabha. Shrewd Pawar quickly dismantled Congress connections and struck rapport with Shiv Sena to get his nominee – Rahul Bajaj elected to the upper house.

In Jammu & Kashmir, Ghulam Nabi Azad is trying to completely debunk PDP Chief Mufti Mohammed Sayeed. From top to bottom, Congress is affected with coalition mismanagement and factionalism. In the union cabinet most of the Congress ministers are performing dismally and defying Prime Minister’s line to report to the madam in 10. Janpath.

Congress is collapsing; BJP is not in a position to rearrange its army to face the next election. The only alternative remaining is Third Front with comrades leading in the front. Given the combat strategies and young Karats and Yechurys on the top of the Left there is little doubt that Communist government is very near to India.

The days are not far to see Communist governments in India and Nepal. Having agreed to participate in the coalition government run by Girija Prasad Koirala, CPN (M) led by Prachanda is going to contest the near future parliamentary elections. Given their clout and arm-twisting in the interior areas of Nepal there is a fine probability for the radical Leftists to conquer the Himalayan Kingdom soon. Marx is laughing in his tomb about this red possibility in south Asia!

 

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  1. +00002007-01-28T23:53:14+00:00312007bUTCSun, 28 Jan 2007 23:53:14 +0000 2, 2008 at 7.27 p01

    THE HISTORY OF MAJLIS ITTEHADUL MUSLIMEEN PARTY IN HYDERABAD

    The grip of the Majlis-e-ittehadul Muslimeen on the community remains strong, With a Member representing Hyderabad in the Lok Sabha, five members in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly, 40 corporators in Hyderabad and 95-plus members elected to various municipal bodies in Andhra Pradesh, the All-India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen is one of the foremost representatives of the city’s Muslims and the most powerful Muslim party in India and one can see the partys strenghth if it goes to Hyderabad old city and Parts of Muslim Dominated Villages of Andhra Pradesh everywhere u look u can see MIM written on walls ,lightpoles and buildings leaving aside green flags and posters of its Leadership and there small Offices . The Majlis has brought lot of development to the Old part of the city even after it is said it hasnt done anything by its opponents who are mostly Ex Majlis workers.The Majlis was formed in 1927 “for educational and social uplift of Muslims”. But it articulated the position that “the ruler and throne (Nizam) are symbols of the political and cultural rights of the Muslim community… (and) this status must continue forever”.The Majlis pitted itself against the Andhra Mahasabha and the communists who questioned the feudal order that sustained the Nizam’s rule. It also bitterly opposed the Arya Samaj, which gave social and cultural expression to the aspirations of the urban Hindu population in the Hyderabad State of those days.By the mid-1940s, the Majlis had come to represent a remarkably aggressive and violent face of Muslim communal politics as it organised the razakars (volunteers) to defend the “independence” of this “Muslim” State from merger with the Indian Union.According to historians, over 1,50,000 such `volunteers’ were organised by the Majlis for the Nizam State’s defence but they are remembered for unleashing unparalleled violence against Communal Hindus and the communists and all those who opposed the Nizam’s “go it alone” policy. It is estimated that during the height of the razakar `agitation’, over 30,000 people had taken shelter in the Secunderabad cantonment alone to protect themselves from these `volunteers’.But the razakars could do little against the Indian Army and even put up a fight. Kasim Rizvi, the Majlis leader, was imprisoned and the organisation banned in 1948. Rizvi was released in 1957 on the undertaking that he would leave for Pakistan in 48 hours. Before he left though, Rizvi met some of the erstwhile activists of the Majlis and passed on the presidentship to Abdul Wahed Owaisi, a famous lawyer and an Islamic scholar from jamia nizamia who also was jailed for nearly 10 months after he took over the Majlis leadership as the then govt wanted to abolish the Majlis party but Owaisi refused to do so and was seen as a person who had financially supported the party when it was a bankrupt and weak one after the Police Action in Hyderabad State.Owaisi is credited with having “re-written” the Majlis constitution according to the provisions of the Indian Constitution and “the realities of Muslim minority in independent India”, and fought the legal case for winning back darrusslam mim headquarters for years according to a former journalist, Chander Srivastava. For the first decade-and-a-half after this “reinvention”, the Majlis remained, at best, a marginal player in Hyderabad politics and even though every election saw a rise in its vote share, it could not win more than one Assembly seat.The 1970s saw an upswing in Majlis’ political fortunes. In 1969, it won back its party headquarters, Dar-us-Salaam — a sprawling 4.5-acre compound in the heart of the New City. It also won compensation which was used to set up an ITI on the premises and a women’s degree college in Nizamabad town. In 1976, Salahuddin Owaisi took over the presidentship of the Majlis after his father’s demise who also was also Jailed Various times .This started an important phase in the history of the Majlis as it continued expanding its educational institutions,Hospitals,Banks, including the first Muslim minority Engineering College and Medical College. Courses in MBA, MCA ,Nursing, Pharmacy and other professional degrees followed and now a daily newspaper known as Etemaad Daily. The 1970s were also a watershed in Majlis’ history as after a long period of 31 years, Hyderabad witnessed large-scale communal rioting in 1979. The Majlis came to the forefront in “defending” Muslim life and property Majlis workers could be seen at these moments defending the properties of Muslims in the wake of riots and these workers were very hard even for the police to control them even now it is a known fact that there are nearly about 2500 units of strong members who only act if there is a seirous threat to the Owaisi family and these members are under the direct orders of the Owaisi family which leads the Majlis party leaving aside thousands of workers and informers throughout the State and even outside the country far away till America and the Gulf countries.Salahuddin Owaisi, also known as “Salar-e-Millat” (commander of the community), has repeatedly alleged in his speeches that the Indian state has “abandoned” the Muslims to their fate. Therefore, “Muslims should stand on their own feet, rather than look to the State for help’’, he argues.This policy has been an unambiguous success in leveraging the Majlis today to its position of being practically the “sole spokesman” of the Muslims in Hyderabad and its environs.Voting figures show this clearly. From 58,000 votes in the 1962 Lok Sabha elections for the Hyderabad seat, Majlis votes rose to 1,12,000 in 1980. The clear articulation of this “stand on one’s feet” policy in education and `protection’ during riots doubled its vote-share by 1984. Salahuddin Owaisi won the seat for the first time, polling 2.22 lakh votes. This vote-share doubled in the 1989 Lok Sabha elections to over four lakhs.The Majlis has since continued its hold on the Hyderabad seat winning about five-and-a-half lakh votes each time.Despite remarkable economic prosperity and negligible communal violence in the past decade, the hold of the Majlis on the Muslims of Hyderabad remains, despite minor dents. And despite widespread allegations of Majlis leaders having “made money”, most ordinary Muslims continue to support them because, as one bank executive put it “they represent our issues clearly and unambiguously’’. An old Historian Bakhtiyar khan says the Owaisi family was a rich family even before entering Politics and he says he had seen the late Majlis leader Abdul Wahed Owaisi in an American Buick car at a time when rarely cars were seen on Hyderabad Roads and the family had strong relations with the ersthwhile Nizams of Hyderabad and the Paighs even now the family is considered to be one of the richest familes in Hyderabad.A university teacher says that the Majlis helped Muslims live with dignity and security at a time when they were under attack and even took the fear out of them after the Police action and adds that he has seen Majlis leaders in the front at times confronting with the Police and the Govt. Asaduddin Owaisi, the articulate UK educated barrister from Lincolns Inn College son of Salahuddin Owaisi and Former leader of the Majlis’ Legislature party and now an MP himself who has travelled across the globe meeting world leaders and organizatons and even in war zones compares the Majlis to the Black Power movement of America.The Majlis that emerged after 1957 is a completely different entity from its pre-independence edition, he says adding that comparisons with that bloody past are “misleading and mischievous”. “That Majlis was fighting for state power, while we have no such ambitions or illusions”.He stoutly defends the need for “an independent political voice” for the minorities, which is willing to defend them and project their issues “firmly”.“How can an independent articulation of minority interests and aspirations be termed communal,” he asks and contests any definition of democracy which questions the loyalty of minorities if they assert their independent political identity. “We are a threat not only to the BJP and Hindu communalism, but also to Muslim extremism,” Asaduddin claims. “By providing a legitimate political vent for Muslims to voice their aspirations and fears, we are preventing the rise of political extremism and religious obscurantism when the community is under unprecedented attack from Hindu communalists and the state’’. He can be seen in his speeches speaking against terrorism in the Country and says if the time arises Majlis will stand side by side in defending the Nation and Recently Majlis ittehadul Muslimeen MP Asaduddin Owaisi has Visited Lebanon after the war with israel and met the leaders of the resistance group Hezbollah and he has even visited Bombay and Malegaon Muslims and raised there issues in Parliament and has even represented the police torture victims to the Prime Minister and has given aid From Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen Party Fund.


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